INTERVIEW: FRONTLINE, May 20 - June 02, 2006

`We are happy

but not complacent'

Q:What are your feelings on the Left Front's huge victory in the Assembly elections?

JYOTI BASU :

I am extremely happy that we have got a two-thirds majority, with more votes and more seats. Before our State secretary Anil Biswas passed away... I was very happy to hear him say that we would win this time with more votes and more seats. I took up his statement in the meetings that I addressed... I told people that I wanted to see the seventh Left Front government and requested voters to make it happen... Seven times in a row - this has happened nowhere else in India before. ... But first of all, I am thankful to the people of West Bengal, and not just to those who voted for us, for making it such a peaceful election, like all elections since 1977, and we have been praised by the Election Commission.

But why five-phased elections, I haven't yet understood. I feel it was an insult to the people of West Bengal. And we maintained that they would give a fitting reply to the E.C. [Election Commission]. That has also happened.

I have also been saying in speeches that in parliamentary democracy, the Opposition is very important, whether big or small. But it should be a responsible Opposition. I have requested the Opposition in my speeches that we should get together to pass resolutions unitedly the Assembly. But being the Opposition of course it is their duty to oppose the policies they think are anti-people. We in our turn will go to the people to tell them of our programmes, and finally let the people be the ultimate judge. But of course, we don't have a responsible Opposition yet. With this huge mandate, our responsibility has grown.

We are happy and rejoicing, but we are not complacent. We were able to implement 90 per cent of the projects we undertook in the last government. The remaining 10 per cent, for one reason or another we could not achieve - maybe [the] Central government was responsible, maybe we were. That has to be seen to. You see, we never hide anything from the people, even our negative points. We ask our workers to listen to the criticism against us and if there is anything positive that can be done, then it has to be done. If not, then the people should be told so directly. This is the job of the people's representatives in the panchayats and municipalities...

After we won the election in 1977 a huge crowd had gathered to greet us. I told them then that we would not rule from Writers' Buildings [the main State Secretariat] alone but also with the people. The same policy is being pursued. When I decided to retire on grounds of my failing health we created the post of Deputy Chief Minister, which went to Buddhadeb [Bhattacharjee]. He has done well and has led the team properly. He has been accepted not only by the party, but also by the people.

Q: When neoliberal policies are being pursued at the Centre, what challenges will the CPI(M) face in both supporting the UPA government at the Centre, and protecting the interests of the working class, trade unions and the small farmers?

JYOTI BASU:

This is a peculiar political situation in India now. The Congress - we have been fighting it for 45 years. We are now supporting it at the Centre - but on condition of implementing of the Common Minimum Programme [CMP]. Unfortunately we are not happy with all their economic policies and foreign policies. We have always supported the Congress non-aligned foreign policy from [Jawaharlal] Nehru's time down to Indira Gandhi's. But we feel they have abandoned that way, and dependence on America is growing. We don't like it at all. We have said, for example, in profitable industries, foreigners must not get the majority share. [Prime Minister] Dr Manmohan Singh, earlier when he was the Union Finance Minister, started following the advice of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund [IMF]. That must not happen, for these organisations are not always correct in their assessments. Some of the Congress recent economic policies, such as the privatisation of airports and so on we find to be anti-people. Now that the elections are over, we will meet and review how much they have digressed from the CMP, both in economic policies and in foreign policy.

It is clearly written in the CMP that we will pursue an independent foreign policy, but they are leaning on the side of the U.S. [United States], the World Bank and the IMF, who are not always correct. As I have said, there are always conditionalities attached. While we want foreign investments, which will be of mutual interest, generate employment and spread knowledge, we will not accept any conditionalities.

To give you an example, when I was Chief Minister, we asked the World Bank to lend us Rs.900 crores for infrastructure and road development. At that time I went to Washington. They gave me a good lunch, spoke very well, and I thought that the project was happening. But after three months a World Bank team came and asked the Finance Minister to show them the finance budget. He said they were welcome to see the budget that has been passed, but it would be illegal to show them the State's future budget. So we didn't get that money, and had to borrow Rs.500 crores from the Asian Development Bank.

In 1994, when I was Chief Minister, I placed a statement on our industrial policy on the floor of the Assembly that was accepted by the Left parties, and we have been pursuing that. We emerged first in agriculture, fisheries and social forestry, but we were not progressing in industry, where we were the best among the States at one time. Now I think we are fourth. But we are not to be blamed for that. It was the Congress government's licensing policy and freight equalisation policy of iron, steel and coal, the foundation of all industries, that set us back.

Q: What are your views on the reformist agenda followed by the Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government?

JYOTI BASU :

I don't know why newspapers go on writing that some of us are against reforms. We are not against reforms. Buddha, in the time of the last government went abroad a few times to get investments into the State; I went to Munich twice to get Siemens here; I went to Holland to [see] Philips for them to expand their activities here. Abroad too, I found, there was propaganda against us; industries should think twice before investing in West Bengal because they strike work all the time. This is very incorrect. It is true, we have given the right to strike not only to workers, but also to government employees, which is prevalent nowhere else in India. But there have been no major strikes in the last 30 years. We keep telling the workers that it is in their interest to look after the industry, if you have demands then place them in front of the management. If there is no agreement then come to the government. Our Labour Department will look into it. But if the management does not listen to legitimate demands, then you can go on strike. We shall never send the police to break up a justified strike.

As for reforms, what is the panchayat system? Is that not a major reform? More than 70 per cent of our people live in the countryside. Take the case of [the] Haldia Petrochemicals complex, a project worth over Rs.5,000 crores. I had to wait for 11 years to get permission from the Central government. That project is making huge profits now, and more than 70,000 people are getting employment in the downstream industries. I remember there was an electronic project that Indira Gandhi had promised to help us with. After keeping me waiting for one year she said that her officers, who had set up a committee to look into this matter, unanimously told her that no investment in electronics should be made in West Bengal, because it is a border State. Ridiculous!

But there is no denying the fact that poverty is still here. Quite some time ago there was a report by the World Bank, which said that 53 per cent of the people of West Bengal live below the poverty line. This was brought down to 23 per cent a few years ago. I don't know exactly what it is now. Unemployment is a very serious issue all over India. Our government has laid a lot of stress on dealing with this problem and the results are showing. The Salim Group has come from Indonesia, the Tatas will be manufacturing their Rs.1 lakh car here, Wipro is here. We are trying to promote small and medium industries to meet the unemployment situation. But our infrastructure is not that good. The seventh Left Front government will have to remedy this.

These are all reforms, and the whole process of reforms started from 1977. So I don't understand what the newpapers mean when they talk about us as anti-reformists.

Q: Soon after the victory you said that Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's role at the Centre should increase. Could you elaborate on that?

JYOTI BASU : We have won not only in West Bengal, but in Kerala also, and very convincingly. So the Left is strengthened, and the Congress-led government depends on the Left's support, because we are in a position to throw them out of power any time. But we don't want to do that, and we are having our Polit Bureau meeting [May 27 - 28] to discuss the situation. Personally, it is getting very difficult for me and I shall ask them to release me, but I know they won't do that. This time our meeting will be on our relationship with the Centre.

Q: You were the longest-serving Chief Minister in the country. Please tell us something of the changes that have occured in the CPI(M) and the Left Front since coming to power in 1977.

JYOTI BASU :

The Communist Party split in 1964, and our party, the CPI(M), came into being. Our policy was to unite Left forces. Earlier also we had formed coalitions to form governments with some leaders who had left the Congress and formed a new party called the Bangla Congress. That government lasted for nine months and then 13 months. In 1971, when the Bangladesh War was on, we put up a great performance, and that too at a time when Indira Gandhi's popularity was at its highest, and she was winning wherever elections were held. At that time we tried to unite the Left parties and that had a great effect on the people. There has been a change in our party constitution. We are working in a capitalist system in a parliamentary democracy and we should take whatever little advantage [there is] from that system to come closer to our goals, which is of course far away. I don't know whether it will take 50 years or 100 years for a classless society without exploitation to come into being.

We are also looking at what is happening in China. The Communist government was set up there one year after our Independence. What they are doing is Marxism-Leninism with Chinese characteristics. That is essentially Marxism, for nowhere has Marx said that the pattern should be the same everywhere. We are studying the Chinese system, we have been to China and met their leaders and we want China to come here too. In fact, China is setting up a power project in one of our districts, and the power [it will produce] is expected to be among the cheapest in the country. We want more trade between India and West Bengal and China.

The sixth government also laid a lot of stress on the diversification of agriculture and food processing. Though not much advance has been made in that field, the seventh Left government will complete that process.

Q: What is the future of the Left in Indian politics?

JYOTI BASU : In the last party congress held in New Delhi, we got reports from all the States. It is very unfortunate that though we are very strong in three States, in some of the other States, even though we have good mass organisations, the party is not strong. We took a decision that, from the position we occupy in Central politics now, we should strengthen our party and mass organisation, for strengthening only the party will not help. Unfortunately, mass organisations are not there in most parts of India, but of late there has been some growth, for example this time in Tamil Nadu we got nine seats. But that is not enough. We have to advance in for instance, places like Uttar Pradesh and Madhaya Pradesh, [where] we hardly have any base.

Q: So how long do you think it will be before there is a Left government at the Centre?

JYOTI BASU : I don't know if I will be alive to see that [smiles]. I don't think it will be possible in the immediate future, but an attempt has to be made to strengthen ourselves and also talk to other non-communal parties. The older generation has seen us in the Opposition here, they have also seen the amount of repression we had to suffer. Our party was declared illegal after Independence in 1948. Most leaders were jailed or went underground. Then, after the High Court gave us legal status, we contested the first elections in 1952, and, without practically any organisation, we got 28 seats. I think at that time there were 280 seats in the Assembly. Since then we have been growing. There was a time when we thought that no Left government would be allowed. In fact, E.M.S. Namboodirpad was removed from office in Kerala by Jawaharlal Nehru and President's Rule was imposed. Indira Gandhi was the president of the Congress. But we never gave up. But our one defect has been that the Marxism-Leninism we talk about [has] not spread among the younger generation. But all that has started [to] change. It is very important to raise their consciousness.

Interview taken by SUHRID SANKAR CHATTOPADHYAY

Published on FRONTLINE, Vol. 23 :: No. 10

May. 20 - Jun. 02, 2006

INDIAN DEMOCRACY AND THE LEFT EXPERIENCE

By Jyoti Basu

Seventh G V Mavalankar Memorial Lecture

May 18, 2002

Following is the full text of the seventh G V Mavalankar Memorial Lecture delivered by Jyoti Basu, former chief minister of West Bengal and Polit Bureau member of CPI(M) on May 18, 2002 at the Constitution Club in New Delhi. The lecture meeting was organised by the Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies. Former speakers of the Lok Sabha, Rabi Ray and Shivraj Patil, veteran Congress leader Ram Niwas Mirdha, retired judge of Supreme Court, Justice A B Wadhwa - all associated with the Institute- spoke on this occasion. The meeting was attended in large numbers by MPs, leaders of various mass organisations, ministers, intellectuals and others. The speaker of West Bengal assembly Hashim Abdul Halim also attended this lecture.


I FEEL honoured to have been invited to speak on ‘Left experience in Indian democracy’ in a lecture series named after Shri Mavlankar, the first speaker of the Lok Sabha whose pioneering leadership established many healthy conventions that helped India to chart its course towards parliamentary democracy. I gratefully recall today his contribution in shaping our fragile parliamentary democracy in those early days.

I cannot say that I speak for the entire Left because there are differences within the Left partners in regard to the experience of working in parliamentary democracy in India after independence. But my views do represent in a large measure that of the united Communist Party and later the Communist Party of India (Marxist) from 1964 after the split in the party.
Before independence during the Muslim League regime in Bengal, I was elected to the assembly along with two other colleagues of mine. We sat in the opposition and implemented our well known policy of participating in legislatures along with work outside among the people. We are guided by the same outlook and policy even now in legislatures where we are in the opposition. In those days, I gathered a lot of experience which helped me later on. After independence when India adopted the Westminister pattern of parliamentary democracy and capitalist path of development, our party decided to participate in the legislatures along with our extra-legislative activities. In all these years we have had varied experience, both positive and negative in regard to democracy in our country. On the morrow of freedom in 1948 our party was declared illegal in West Bengal and some other parts of India. Many of us, including myself although still a member of the assembly, were detained in free India without trial.

After the adoption of the Constitution our party was legalised under orders of the High Court in Kolkata and many of us were released, although the Constitution permitted legislation to detain people without trial. In independent India I have been a member of the West Bengal assembly since the first general election in 1952, along with my trade union and other political activities. I have been a leader of the opposition for many years as well as deputy chief minister twice in 1967 and 1969-70, and chief minister since 1977 heading a Left Front government for 23-1/2 years. This is a record in parliamentary democracy. For the sixth time continuously the Left Front was voted to power with two-thirds majority, same as last time. Now it is 25 years old. This is no mean achievement in view of the limited powers of states, discriminatory attitude of central governments most of the time and role of some major newspapers denigrating our party and government based on falsehoods or half truths.

Within this entire period since independence, I, along with large number of our party members and supporters, have been imprisoned without trial on several occasions and many were arrested on various charges to stifle movements of the workers, peasants, middle classes, for their legitimate demands and for democratic rights.

I cite a few examples from West Bengal to illustrate the kind of experience we went through in our democratic polity. In 1967, with the formation of a new party under some important leaders of the Congress, that party was defeated in the election and our party along with some other parties formed for the first time the United Front government with a minimum common programme. Considering the interest of the people, our party conceded the chief ministership to ex-Congress leader Shri Ajoy Mukherjee despite the fact that the majority of the MLAs belonged to our party. But in the absence of democratic and pro-people outlook, dissentions among the ex-congressmen wrecked the government within 9 months. The chief minister Shri Ajoy Mukherjee was still for the continuation of the government and he fixed a date for summoning the assembly to test our government's right to continue in office. But contrary to democratic norms, the governor directed us to hold the assembly session on an earlier date which we naturally rejected. Hence he dismissed our government and imposed president's rule. Fortunately the people’s anger and annoyance against the undemocratic act of the governor helped the United Front to sweep the election in 1969. But once again after 13 months in office, we the partners fell out and with the chief minister's resignation the government collapsed and president's rule was imposed after the governor’s efforts to prop up a minority government failed.

In 1971, the next general election was held in the background of the support to the Bangladesh liberation struggle by prime minister Indira Gandhi. Our party was in full support of her on this issue. Our party became the first party but the governor refused to invite me to form the government and test our majority in the House. Discussing with different parties, he decided to call upon the Congress, the second largest party, to form a government which it did but it lasted for only 3 months and president's rule was imposed.

A serious blow to parliamentary democracy was dealt in the 1972 general election when in connivance with the central government, large scale rigging and terror were resorted to, turning the election into a farce. The army was also called out, like in 1971, to patrol the streets. This was a unique experience for the people and our party was reduced to 14 MLAs from 111. I withdrew from the election at about 11 am after I saw the terror that was unleashed right from the morning and people were unable to vote. In numerous constituencies the same methods were resorted to as we had apprehended. The Election Commissioner expressed his inability to help us. Smt Indira Gandhi dismissed our apprehensions when we met her on a deputation earlier before the election.

After 1972, the subversion of democratic processes was such that thousands of our supporters and members were arrested and 1100 of our members and supporters killed, but no action was taken against the culprits. In this situation we took the unprecedented decision of boycotting the assembly for 5 years and went more determinedly to the people for organising struggles to restore democracy. From 1972 to 1976, West Bengal faced what we described as semi-fascist terror with more severe repression after declaration of emergency in 1975 by Smt Indira Gandi, when all liberties were obliterated, including the right to life. We however never surrendered to the enemies of the people. We reposed faith in the people. In 1977, when the emergency was lifted, the people gave a befitting reply to the autocratic rulers in the centre and many states including West Bengal.

However, we witnessed thereafter how once again they, who subverted democracy returned to power in the centre because of lack of proper political and ideological consciousness of the people. We, the Left and the democratic forces failed to give the leadership in most parts of India that was needed to bolster democracy.

The next experience I wish to place before you is that of Kerala where the first Communist-led government came into existence in 1957. It was dismissed in 1959 by prime minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru even though we had a majority in the house. You can well understand our apprehension thereafter about the future of democracy. But we did not lose hope and carried on mass agitation rousing the people against this grave injustice. In 1964, under the government of India's orders, all our central committee members attending the central committee meeting in Trichy, Tamilnadu were arrested except myself and EMS and detained without trial.

Throughout the state large scale arrests were made and our party was maligned and slandered by the central government. This was a desperate move to prevent us from winning the 1965 assembly election in Kerala. Democracy was of least concern to the central rulers. Even under such conditions, our party got the largest numbers of MLAs elected and some from prison and it became the largest party in the assembly. This was certainly a significant contribution of people of Kerala to democracy. But as no government could be formed, the House was dissolved and president's rule imposed. In 1967, again election was held and the United Front government was formed defeating the Congress party.

In the small North East state of Tripura where because of influx of refugees from East Pakistan, the tribals were reduced to a minority, there arose a serious political situation. However, the local Congress party based mainly on the Bengalees adopted a domineering attitude and suppressed the rights of the minorities leading to a great divide. Our party along with some other Left parties played a major role in uniting the two sections and could form our LF governments and look after the interest of the both groups. The Congress party and its government at the centre, paying scant regard to democracy, instigated a section of the armed tribals and tried to use them against the Left Front. Once, on the eve of the election, when a massacre of Bengalees had taken place, armed police forces were landed in Agartala by the central government to demonstrate that only a Congress government can save Tripura. A letter by the armed terrorists to the then prime minister revealed that they promised support to the Congress, if the communists who represented the major sections of the tribals are removed from power. For a time the situation did go against us and we were defeated. But later LF came back to power and by its programme, along with providing autonomy to the predominant tribal area, regained its position and was able to unite the Bengalees and the tribals. But even now some insurgency is there and the Congress party is trying to use sections of the armed tribals against our government which is rehabilitating those who are surrendering.

I have been dealing mainly with our experience in regard to the working of parliamentary democracy. It has also been our experience how legitimate and peaceful movements of various sections of the people for their demands have been sought to be suppressed by some central and state governments by violent means and use of draconian laws.

I need not to go into details of our experience all over India of how attempts had been made to block democratic processes. The states which stand out in this respect, as far as I remember, are Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Jammu & Kashmir.

I take this opportunity to tell you in summary how we have learnt from experience about democracy in practice and adjusted our policies as the reality unfolded itself in the Indian polity. Right at the beginning of independence we were doubtful whether the Left forces and parties would have the freedom to form governments in the states let alone in the centre. But after the formation of the first communist-led government in Kerala in 1957, we incorporated in our party programme the possibility of formation of state governments by the Left parties along with democratic parties. But such governments at the centre were beyond our conception. Later situations arose when we did support non-Congress governments at the centre from outside three times and once during the United Front government, which even received the support of the Congress for sometime when the danger of the BJP arose. Later it irresponsibly withdrew support giving advantage to the BJP. Taking the reality into consideration in updating our party programme we have now clarified that our party will consider participating in a government at the centre depending on the concrete situation. This decision is a tactical question which has to be taken into account as it can be helpful for our country and people. In fact, there has come into existence a Third Front consisting of Left and some democratic parties with a common minimum programme. But it needs to be strengthened to present it as a viable alternative.

We have also reiterated in the Programme that our ultimate goal is people's democracy leading on to socialism - a classless and non-exploitative society. To reach that goal it is necessary to change the correlation of class forces by taking advantage of opportunities under the Constitution and parliamentary democracy. We have called upon the people to be eternally vigilant to preserve the democratic rights guaranteed in our Constitution and its basic features which includes secularism. Some of the Supreme Court decisions have helped to strengthen democracy. We have been suggesting certain amendments to further enhance the rights of the people to alter the centre-state relations with more power for the states, which alone can strengthen Indian unity. We need also to delete or change certain negative provisions such as Article 356 and powers to impose emergency. These are illustrative and not comprehensive.

We believe that is the people who create history and we have firm faith in them. They may make mistakes but ultimately they will take the correct path. Along with struggles in political, economic, social spheres we are of the view that ideological confrontation with communal, fundamentalist, obscurantist, undemocratic and pro-imperialist forces are of prime interest in today's situation.

I reiterate that we do believe that our Constitution, despite its limitations, is a document of great relevance to the advance of our people. But it does need changes keeping in view the experience and demands of the people.

We reiterate in our updated programme that the threat to parliamentary democracy comes not from the working people and the parties which represent their interests. The threat comes from the exploiting classes and the parties which represent their interests. We also state that it is of utmost importance that parliamentary and democratic institutions are defended in the interest of the people against such threats and skillfully utilised in combination with extra-parliamentary activities.

I do not deal with corruption and criminalisation of politics which are eating into the vitals of Indian democracy. It is a separate subject. But I think all right-thinking people feel seriously concerned. It is a matter of satisfaction that despite all travails, democracy, however imperfect, has survived. The necessity of electoral reform, also came on the agenda during the Congress regime but was put in the cold storage. It needs to be taken up in parliament and consultation held with the Election Commission. The latest view of the Supreme Court is worthy of consideration.

I think it is necessary to clarify, in brief, our stand on a particular point on which some confusion prevails in regard to our stand in the complicated situation which has arisen in our parliamentary democratic system in the state and in the centre. Our party may consider participation in such governments or lend them support from outside. We try sincerely in both cases to help to implement a common minimum programme whilst advocating changes necessary to take our country forward. When we do not support governments at the centre and states, we act as responsible opposition party to serve the interests of the people.

Through our participation in parliamentary democracy which includes as I have said carrying on extra-parliamentary activities, we try to raise the consciousness of the people so that they understand through their experience the necessity of bringing about fundamental change and advance towards the establishment of people's democracy and socialism, a non-exploitative and classless society.

In the end, I wish to place before you some thoughts which have relevance to the topic I have been speaking on.

In the evening of my life after 64 years in politics, on my return from London, in 1940 when I became a whole time worker of the Communist Party, I feel satisfied that people have acted again and again to counter reaction and to assert democratic processes, though continuity has been lacking. I particularly feel perturbed at the situation which has arisen today with communal and fundamentalist forces trying to destroy our grand concept of unity in diversity, to alter the secular nature of our Constitution and its basic features. These forces leading a government at the centre are weakening our economy by blindly accepting the World Bank and IMF prescriptions and making it more and more dependent on foreign countries particularly America and inviting it in the defence and intelligence sectors. Today, our country's foreign policy of non-alignment has been given the go-by reducing India to a non-entity. However, I cannot but think that such a disastrous state of affairs is a temporary phenomenon.

I am amazed to see that the Congress party which got isolated from the people after long years because of its various policies but is yet the biggest opposition party in parliament and still adhering to secularism, is not making any self-criticism about its mistaken policies in the political, economic and social spheres which hurt India's interest.

It is unfortunate that the Left and democratic forces all over India have been unequal to the task despite their attempts to counter reaction. But efforts are on to present a viable alternative. It is heartening to see massive struggles of various sections of the people breaking out. These have to be given proper direction and a correct political perspective.

I have a few comments to make on the Gujarat happenings after all that have been revealed by most of the newspapers, various delegations and debates in both houses of parliament. I feel sad, ashamed and also angry but I refuse to be overwhelmed by the forces of darkness. It is welcome to see a kind of consensus which has arisen all over our country in condemning barbarism let loose under the patronage of the state BJP government and acquiesced in by the BJP-led central government, on the entire Muslim community after the diabolic attack on the karsevaks in Godhra by some criminal elements. Democracy and civilisation will prevail.